Madam President, distinguished members of the Security Council, Assistant-Secretary-General Jenča,

I also recognize here the residual presence of Putin’s envoys in the permanent seat of the Soviet Union.

I would like to thank the UK Presidency for convening this meeting that Ukraine requested in response to Russia’s recent escalatory actions. These include the first use of an intermediate-range ballistic missile to strike the Ukrainian city of Dnipro and the use of DPRK troops in its war against Ukraine.

The ongoing deployment of DPRK troops to support Russia remains one of the clearest indicators of Moscow’s unwillingness to de-escalate, alongside the weapons supplies Russia has been receiving from Pyongyang for over a year.

Since the Council’s most recent discussion, the situation on the ground has escalated, and first clashes of the Ukrainian forces against DPRK servicemen already took place.

As we informed earlier, these troops are fighting under assumed identities of Russia’s Far East nationalities, using forged documents. Primarily, they operate as combined arms units trained for action in the European theater of military operations.

The DPRK is now entering the war in a fully-fledged manner. According to available information, its current military contingent of 11,000 troops could quickly be increased to 100,000 soldiers.

The question of whether the Pyongyang regime truly requires such a substantial number of combat-trained servicemen solely to assist its Russian allies is rhetorical at best.

The answer to this question is self-evident and while it may be uncomfortable, acknowledging this reality is essential. Otherwise, an appropriate and adequate response would be unlikely.

According to the publicly available information, the DPRK had sent more than 20,000 containers of artillery, missiles and other conventional arms to Russia since August 2023 to replenish its dwindling weapons stockpiles.

As reported by Ukraine’s military defense intelligence, Pyongyang has supplied Moscow with 100 KN-23 and KN-24 short-range ballistic missiles.

The first use of these weapons by Russia against Ukraine, including against residential areas and civilian infrastructure, was recorded at the end of 2023.

In 2024, Ukraine has documented approximately 60 launches of such missiles, accounting for one-third of all ballistic missile attacks carried out by Russia this year.

Furthermore, recent reports from the expert community point to satellite images that reveal the DPRK is expanding a manufacturing complex in the city of Hamhung. This industrial facility assembles KN-23 short-range ballistic missiles, which Russia has used against Ukraine, including for targeting residential areas and civilian infrastructure.

The satellite images reportedly taken in early October show the construction of what appears to be an additional assembly building as well as a new housing facility likely intended for workers.

Additionally, there have been recent reports that Russia received 170mm self-propelled howitzers and 240mm multiple rocket launch systems from the DPRK.

Let me recall that the transfer of ballistic missiles, along with any other arms and related materiel, from the DPRK to Russia flagrantly violates multiple United Nations Security Council resolutions (UNSCRs) – namely, resolution 1718 (2006), resolution 1874 (2009), and resolution 2270 (2016).

The training by the Russian Federation of DPRK regular units, including those recently deployed in the Kursk region, constitutes a violation of Security Council resolutions 1718, 1874 and 2270. In turn, DPRK soldiers providing or receiving any training or other assistance related to use of arms is also a violation of the mentioned Council’s resolutions.

We reiterate that Pyongyang’s support comes at a price, and this is an access to Russian technology in missile, nuclear and other military programs. It is crucial to understand that this price is paid not so much by Russia but by the world. Failure to act decisively will be far more costly in the long run than taking strong and timely measures today.

We call on all responsible nations to take immediate actions to resolutely counteract the Russian and North Korean regimes - from increasing sanctions pressure on Moscow and Pyongyang to maximizing Ukraine's capabilities within the framework of the Victory Plan, presented by President Zelenskyy.

At the same time, the Security Council, and its 1718 Sanctions Committee, should continue addressing the issue of non-compliance of the DPRK and the Russian Federation with relevant UN Security Council resolutions.

In this regard, Ukraine also supports the monitoring and reporting on violations and evasions of the sanction measures by both regimes within other multilateral mechanisms, in particular Multilateral Sanctions Monitoring Team, established on October 16, 2024.

Madam President,

Another escalatory move by Putin, aimed at testing the world’s resilience to Russia’s nuclear blackmail, occurred on November 21. On that day, the Ukrainian city of Dnipro suffered an attack by an intermediate-range ballistic missile capable of delivering weapons of mass destruction.

According to an initial examination of remnants, it was the first time that such a missile has been identified on the territory of Ukraine. The missile was equipped with six warheads, each containing six submunitions. It moved along a ballistic trajectory, which was only affected by aerodynamic resistance.

Moscow’s narratives following the strike, including comments by war criminal Putin, once again underscored Russia’s intentions to persuade the global audience of its complete inadequacy—this time by showing readiness to kill Ukrainians not only with conventional, but also nuclear means.

Ukraine calls on UN member states, in particular nuclear-weapon States, to condemn Russia’s irresponsible nuclear saber-rattling.

In responding to this escalatory step, it is also important to remember that Putin's future actions will directly depend on the strength and resolve of our reaction. In effect, his modus operandi has always been simple and straightforward: if his blackmail succeeds and his opponent shows weakness or willingness to appease, a new and more severe escalation of violence and violations will inevitably follow.

On the contrary, if adequate measures to deter Russia and reduce its aggressive potential are taken, Putin will stop. Therefore, the response to the Kremlin’s current nuclear blackmail and threats must include tougher sanctions and increased military assistance to the party defending itself, its people, and the principles of the UN Charter.

In this context, we do not accept concerns about strengthening Ukraine’s capacities to strike military targets on Russian territory as alleged “escalation”. Such labelling either demonstrates a complete misunderstanding of conflict’s nature and current developments on the ground or serves as manipulation in the aggressor's interest.

It was from Russian territory that the full-scale invasion began in February 2022. It is on Russian territory that new military units are being formed to occupy and destroy Ukrainian cities and kill Ukrainian people.

It is on Russian territory that the production of deadly weapons is accelerating. Weapons that will be used not only against Ukraine, despite the illusions of those hoping to buy a few years of peace at the expense of Ukraine’s existence.

Finally, it is from Russian territory that missiles, drones and guided aerial bombs are launched daily, killing Ukrainians and destroying our critical infrastructure. This includes drones from Iran and missiles from the DPRK, enabling these rogue states to test their weaponry. More than 11,500 missiles were launched against Ukraine since February 2022, more than 33,000 guided aerial bombs were deployed. Over the past four days alone, 495 UAVs were launched by Russia, along with Iskander ballistic missiles and Kh-59/69 guided air-to-surface missiles.

Among the targets that Russian forces attempt to strike are the transmission substations of our nuclear power plants. Following the Russian attack on November 17, IAEA Director General Grossi stated that several electrical substations on which the NPPs depended had suffered further damage. In addition, the main power lines from four of the substations were disconnected.

This poses a real and immediate threat to nuclear safety and security – not only for Ukraine but for the entire continent.

Strikes on Russian territory help reducing such war-related threats. Unlike Russia, Ukraine does not target residential areas, hospitals, or civilian infrastructure. Our goal is not to intimidate the Russian civilian population, but to weaken the ability of the Kremlin regime to threaten Ukraine and the world.

Russian military command posts, airfields, artillery arsenals, missile deployment sites were among the most recent targets hit by the Ukrainian forces. Every target struck means a Ukrainian life saved, somebody’s home or power station preserved.

Ukraine will continue to exercise its inherent right to self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter. This right, I remind you, does not impose geographical limitations on defending against an armed attack. At the same time, Article 51 does not allow an aggressor to hide its violations under the guise of the right to self-defense, as self-defense applies in cases where an armed attack occurs or is imminent. In February 2022, as we all remember, the qualification of “imminent” was only applied to Russia’s plans to invade Ukraine. The plans, that Russia denied in this very Chamber a week before the invasion, at the level of its deputy foreign minister.

Russia must understand that its every attempt to expand the war will have consequences. This serves to sober the aggressor state, disrupt its plans, and enforce it toward peace – a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on the UN Charter, not on a deceitful appeasement reminiscent of Munich 1938.

The former could be achieved through two things: helping Ukraine and increasing pressure on Russia. And if the latter prevails, the price for all of us would be far too high.

One speaker today has said that he cannot help but wonder: “Can those caught in the war be reunited with their families, is there anyone they can be thankful for, can they have a happy and peaceful tomorrow?” The answer is yes: there are 141 countries in the General Assembly they can be thankful for, the countries who voted for the condemnation of the Russian aggression in March 2022. The answer is yes: there are 141 countries, they can be thankful for, who called a spade a spade, who voted in February 2023 for the resolution on the principles of the UN Charter underlying a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in Ukraine, including Ukraine's territorial Integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Yes, they can be thankful for dozens of countries that help Ukraine with air defense systems, with means to destroy military bases in Russia, where hundreds of missiles are launched to kill Ukrainian children, women and men.

And I want to conclude with my profound gratitude to all those countries that have been supporting Ukraine through almost three years of this bloody war.

Thank you.